Ladies and
Gentlemen,
Let us
transport ourselves in imagination toRammenau in Oberlausitz, a
spot not far from Kamenz in
Saxony, the birthplace of Lessing. The year is 1769. A house of no
great size stands beside a brook. The generations inhabiting this
house, as records show, had been engaged in the ribbon-weaving
industry, from father to son, ever since the period of the Thirty
Years' War. The standard of life prevailing at this time in the
house was not even as high as tolerable comfort, indeed it was very
near to poverty. By the brook that flowed past the house, in this
year of 1769, stood a seven-year-old boy, fairly small, rather
sturdily built for his age, with red cheeks and expressive eyes,
that at this moment were showing signs of deep distress. The boy
had just thrown into the brook a book that was floating away. At
this juncture his father appeared on the scene from the house and
must have spoken to the boy more or less to the following effect:
“Why, Gottlieb, whatever are you thinking of? You are
flinging into the water what your father bought for you with
hard-earned money to give you pleasure!” The father was very
angry, for just before this he had given the book as a present to
his son Gottlieb, who till then had had no acquaintance with
books apart from the Bible and the hymn book. — Now what had
really happened? Hitherto young Gottlieb had received with the most
serious attention whatever had been taught him of the contents of
the Bible and hymn book, and he was a boy good at his lessons at
school. Wishing to please him, his father bought him one day for a
present the book of folk tales called
Der Gehörnte Siegfried
(The Horned Siegfried).
Gottlieb plunged deeply into the study of this book, with
the result that he had to be scolded for his forgetfulness and
inattention to all his lessons, which he had till then found so
interesting. That went to the boy's heart. He was so fond of the
Gehörnte Siegfried,
his newly acquired book; it aroused in him such deep
interest and sympathy. But on the other hand this thought was
vividly present to his mind: “You have neglected your
duty.” Such were the thoughts in the mind of the
seven-year-old boy. So he went off to the brook and forthwith flung
the book into the water. He was punished for it, because though he
could tell his father the facts, he could not explain the real
underlying reason.
Let us now follow the boy
Gottlieb at this stage of his life into other situations. For
instance, we catch sight of him one afternoon on a lonely moor far
away from his parents' house, standing there from 4 o'clock onwards
and gazing into the distance, utterly absorbed in the view of the
solitary spaces surrounding him. And thus he was still standing at
five and at six o'clock and even when the bell sounded for
evensong. Then a shepherd came by, and seeing the boy standing
there, gave him a cuff and told him to come along home.
Two years after this time, in 1771, Baron von Miltitz was
visiting the landowner in Rammenau. He had come over from his
own estate in Oberau one Sunday, in order to dine with the
neighbouring squires and enjoy their society; and before the
meal he had intended to hear the morning sermon. However, he
arrived too late to hear the clergyman of Rammenau, well known
to him as a worthy man; for much to his regret the sermon was
already over. When the visitors, his host and the other persons
present were talking amongst themselves about this, somebody
made the suggestion: “Oh there is a boy in the village who
might perhaps repeat the sermon by heart; it is known that he can
do so.” And so Gottlieb, now nine years of age, was fetched,
and came along in his blue peasant smock. A few questions were put
to him which he answered briefly with “yes” and
“no.” He felt very ill at ease in this high-class
society. Then it was suggested to him to repeat the sermon which he
had heard just before. He paused to meditate and then, speaking as
it were from the depth of his soul, as if he felt intimately every
word, he repeated from beginning to end the sermon which he had
heard, in the presence of the visiting landowner and the company.
And he repeated it in such a way that all felt as if everything
that he said were proceeding directly out of his own heart; he
seemed to have so imbibed it that it had become part of himself.
Thus with inward fire and animation, which increased as he went on,
the nine-year-old Gottlieb recited the whole sermon. ... This
nine-year-old Gottlieb was the son of Christian Fichte, the
ribbon-weaver. The landowner von Miltitz was profoundly
astonished at this experience, and declared
that he must himself take charge of the boy's education. In view of
the straitened circumstances of the boy's parents, the relief from
such a responsibility was bound to be extremely welcome to them,
even though they deeply loved the boy. For after Gottlieb many
other children had come, till they were now a large family; and so
they had no choice but to grasp the helping hand which Baron
von Miltitz so generously offered. And Baron von Miltitz was
so strongly impressed by his encounter with the boy that he wanted
to take young Gottlieb away with him immediately. And so he took
him away to his own home at Oberau near
Meissen. ... Young Gottlieb, however, felt by no means at home in
the mansion, which formed so great a contrast with everything to
which he had been accustomed in the poor ribbon-weaver's cottage.
He felt indeed altogether unhappy over the whole affair, till he
was sent to Niederau nearby to a clergyman named Leberecht Krebel. And there
Gottlieb grew up in an environment full of intimacy and affection,
in the household of this excellent minister Krebel. With his
unusual gifts the boy found himself deeply attracted by all the
gleams of truth which he divined in his talks with the worthy
pastor. And when Gottlieb reached the age of thirteen he was able,
with the support of his benefactor, to enter the Schulpforta School.
He was
transferred to the strict discipline of Schulpforta, which did not
by any means suit him. He observed that the manner in which the
pupils lived together involved much concealment towards the
teachers and officials, and much duplicity in behaviour. Further he
was altogether out of harmony with the system by which the older
boys were set in authority over the younger as prefects. Gottlieb
had already at that time absorbed Robinson Crusoe and many
other tales, and had been influenced by them. At
first this school life seemed intolerable to him. He could not
reconcile it with his conscience that there should be — as he
felt — concealment, duplicity, deceit in any place intended
to promote spiritual growth. What was to be done? He resolved to
escape secretly into the world outside. Accordingly, he made ready
and simply ran away. On the way there arose in his mind, prompted
by his innermost feelings, the thought: “Have you done right?
ought you to do this?” Where should he now turn for counsel?
He fell upon his knees, addressed a prayer to Heaven and waited for
a sign to be given him from the spiritual worlds as to what he
should do. The sign from within urged him to turn back, and he
willingly did so. Very fortunately there was then at Schulpforta an
unusually sympathetic headmaster, by name Geisler, who persuaded young
Gottlieb to relate the whole affair to him and showed deep
understanding. Instead of punishing him, he even made it possible
for Gottlieb to be on happier terms with himself and his
environment, as happy indeed as he could wish. He was able
also to make friends with the most gifted among the staff.
It was not
easy for him to obtain satisfaction for his intellectual
needs. Already aspiring, even at that age, towards the highest, he
was not free to study the authors of whom he had heard so much; for
Goethe, Schiller, and in particular also Lessing, were at that
period forbidden fruit at Schulpforta. However, there was one
of the masters who obtained for him a remarkable book, Lessing's
Anti-Goeze, that inspired polemic against Goeze, which
contained the whole substance of Lessing's profession of faith, his
lofty and valiant outlook, expressed in free and outspoken language.
Thus
Gottlieb in these early years imbibed from this Anti-Goeze all
that it was able to give him. It was not only the ideas which he
appropriated, indeed that was the least important part; he also
made his own the manner of approach towards the highest things and
the attitude towards various views of the world.
And so Gottlieb's schooldays
went by at Schulpforta. When he had to write his examination thesis
on leaving, he chose a literary subject. It was a remarkable piece
of work. It was altogether lacking in the quality characteristic of
many young people who introduce all kinds of philosophical ideas
into their school compositions. This essay contained no trace of
philosophy or of philosophical ideas and notions. On the other hand
it already betrayed the fact that the young man made it his special
aim to observe human beings, to look into the depth of their heart;
and it was this acquired knowledge of men which found expression
above all in this school essay.
In the
meantime his benefactor Baron von Miltitz had died. The funds so
generously supplied for the young man stopped. Fichte passed his final
examination at Schulpforta, went to Jena, and had to live there in
the direst poverty. He could take no share at all in anything that
then made up the student life of Jena. Day by day he had to earn by
hard toil what he required for his bare subsistence. And he could
only find in rare hours the opportunity of nourishing the aspirations
of his spirit. Jena proved to be too small, so that Fichte was
unable to find his spiritual food there. It struck him that he
would have better facilities at Leipzig, a larger city, and went
there to try. He tried to prepare himself there for the situation
in life which was the ideal of his father and mother, deeply
god-fearing people; namely for the Saxon ministry, for a post as
minister and preacher. Indeed one may say he had shown himself
predestined for the office of preacher. He had proved so capable of
assimilating the truths of Holy Writ that even in his father's
house he was frequently invited to make comments on this or that
passage in the Bible, and similarly while he was living with the
good clergyman Leberecht Krebel. And whenever he was able to visit his
home for a short time, in the place which contained his parents'
unpretentious cottage, he was allowed to preach there, for the
local minister was a friend of his. And he would preach in such a
way, prompted as it were by a sacred enthusiasm, that what he was
able to impart was the very word of God, in a version that was at
once individual and yet altogether in conformity with the Bible
itself.
So he went
on trying, at Leipzig, to train himself for his calling as a
country pastor. But it proved difficult. It was hard for him to
secure any teaching position which he thought himself able to fill.
He occupied himself with correcting work, with tutoring, but this
life became very hard for him. And above all he found himself in
the course of it unable to make any progress with his own
intellectual aims. He was already twenty-six, and these were hard
times for him. One day he had no more resources left and no
prospect of securing anything during the next few days; no prospect
either that, if things were to go on in the same way, he could ever
secure entry to even the most modest profession which he had set
himself as an aim. His people at home could support him only to a
very meagre extent; for, as I have said, it was a family abundantly
blessed with children.
And so one
day he stood at the edge of an abyss and in his soul, like a
desperate temptation, the question arose: “Have I no
prospects for this life of mine?” Though it may not have been
quite present to his consciousness, yet in the background of
his mind was the idea of a voluntary death. Then, just at the
opportune moment, appeared the writer Weisse, who had become one of his
friends. Weisse offered him a post as tutor at Zurich and took steps to
ensure that he should really be able to take up this post within three
months. And so from the autumn of 1788 onwards we find our Fichte at
Zurich. Let us try once more to picture him with the mind's eye, as
he stood in the pulpit in the Zurich Minster, now completely
possessed with his own conception of the Gospel of St. John,
already quite intent on the endeavour to reproduce the teachings of
the Bible in a form of his own. He did this in such a way that
those who heard his inspiring words resound through the Zurich
Cathedral must have thought that a man had arisen who was capable
of rendering the scriptures with quite a new eloquence, in a new
way, with a fresh inspiration. Many, doubtless, who heard him then
in the Cathedral at Zurich, must have carried away this impression.
And now we can follow him again into a new situation. He became a
tutor in the Ott household, in the inn
“Zum Schwert”
at Zurich. There he encountered a peculiar narrow-minded
outlook to which he could only partially adapt himself. He
succeeded in getting on good terms with his pupil, but less so with
the parents. And we can trace what Fichte really was in the
following incident. One day the pupil's mother received a singular
letter from her son's tutor, who was living in the house. What were
the contents of this letter? Roughly as follows. Education was a
task, the writer said, to which he, Fichte, would willingly lend
himself. What he knew of his pupil gave him an assured
prospect of being able to do great things with him. But the process
of his education would have to be developed in one particular
point: it was essential above all to educate his mother! For a
mother who behaved in such a way towards a pupil was the greatest
obstacle to any education under her roof! I need not dwell upon the
peculiar feelings with which Frau Ott read this epistle. However, the
incident was passed over, and up to the spring of 1790, that is for
about eighteen months, Fichte was able to pursue a fruitful activity in
the Ott household at Zurich.
But
Fichte was not by any
means the man to circumscribe within the limits of his profession
the thoughts which filled his soul. It was not in his nature to
avert his attention from the spiritual processes taking place
around him. Through his inner zeal and the close interest he felt
for all the spiritual changes going on around him, he became
closely absorbed also in what was going on in his own environment.
There in Switzerland his thoughts turned to the ideas which were
then filling the minds of all men, to the mental reactions provoked
by the outbreak of the French Revolution. We can, so to speak,
overhear him discussing at Olten, whenever he found any specially
gifted people to talk to, the questions which were then dominating
France and the world with their imperious significance; making up
his mind that those were the ideas which deserved primary
attention, and associating all the preoccupations derived from his
deep religious feeling and acute intellect with the new ideas of
human happiness, human rights and the high ideals of humanity.
Fichte was no egoist, capable
only of developing his soul rigidly from within. This soul of his
grew in communion with the outer world. His soul knew unconsciously
the duty of existing for something beyond one's self, of standing
as a personification of the world's purpose in the age in which one
lives. That was one of Fichte's deepest convictions. And thus, just
at the period when his spirit was most sensitively aware of the
processes at work in his environment, he developed in close
communion with the Swiss element. And we always find that this
German-Swiss element left a permanent mark on the whole personality
of Fichte in his later life and work.
It is
necessary to understand the deep-seated difference between Swiss
life, and life a little further north, in Germany, in order to
grasp the impression which the Swiss environment, the Swiss
character and endeavour made upon Fichte. For example, this Swiss
element is distinguished from other forms of German life especially
by the way in which it infuses a kind of self-conscious element
into all the intellectual life, so that all cultural activity
acquires a political expression; everything is so conceived that
the current conceptions serve to put the individual into touch with
immediate action, with the world. For this German-Swiss character
art, science, literature are only separate tributaries of the whole
river of life.
It was this
element which appealed so happily to Fichte's own spiritual
character. He too was a man who could not conceive any human
activity or any human endeavour in isolation. For him too every
individual factor had to be linked with the entirety of man's action,
meditation and feeling and with man's whole philosophy. Moreover, in
Fichte his capacity for achievement was intimately linked with his
ever unfolding personality. No one who reads Fichte to-day, who approaches
those writings of his which often seem so arid in their substance,
or those particular writings and treatises which radiate
intelligence, can have any notion of what Fichte must have been when he
poured into his discourse, upon a cause which he deeply felt and
espoused, all his inner fire and intensity. For into his
discourse there passed also what he was. He even attempted at that
time — it was an abortive attempt — to establish at
Zurich a school of public speaking. For he believed that through
the manner in which spiritual things are set before men a different
and more effective influence could be exerted than merely through
the ideas themselves, however excellent these may be.
At Zurich,
in the household of a Swiss named Rahn, then well-to-do, a
brother-in-law of Klopstock, Fichte found stimulating society
which made a strong impression upon him. He formed a deep
attachment to the daughter, Johanna Rahn. With this niece of
Klopstock he formed a close intimacy, at first a friendship, which
developed gradually into love. By now his position as tutor at
Zurich was no longer really tenable, and he needed to look further
afield. He did not want at that moment, before he had made his way
in the world — as he frequently remarked at the time —
to enter the Rahn household as a member of it, and perhaps live on
its resources. He wanted to make his way further in the world
— with him we cannot say his “fortune” —
but his way.
He returned
again to Germany, to Leipzig. He thought of remaining there for a
while, hoping to find what his real vocation might be, to find that
form of spiritual expression which he sought as his object in life.
He intended then to return after a while, to work out in freedom
what he had brought into harmony within himself. But then an unexpected
event happened which upset all his plans. Disaster overtook Rahn,
for he lost his whole fortune. Fichte was now not only tormented
by the knowledge that the people dearest to him had sunk into
poverty, but he himself was compelled to resume his
wanderings through the world, abandoning the cherished plans which
he had nursed in his innermost heart.
The first thing that offered
was a post as tutor at Warsaw. However, as soon as he arrived and
presented himself there, the aristocratic lady whose house he was
to enter formed the impression that Fichte's manners, which then
and subsequently struck many people as downright and vigorous, were
really uncouth and that he had no talent for adapting himself to
social life. When this was pointed out to him, he could not endure
it and took his departure.
His way now
led him to that place where he might expect to find a man whom he
revered more than anybody, not only among his contemporaries but in
his whole generation, towards whom he had been drawn when for
a while he was immersed in the study of Spinoza and his philosophy;
a man towards whom he had been drawn while studying his writings,
with which he was now wholly in accord. As at an earlier date his
thoughts were filled with the Bible and other works, so now the
writings of this man, Immanuel Kant, confronted him as a new creation.
So he made his way to
Königsberg
and sat at the feet of the great teacher. And he
found himself altogether in harmony with the image reflected in his
soul of this teaching, which he held to be the greatest ever
bestowed upon mankind. And in Fichte's soul, all the ideas derived
from his own devout nature, from his meditation on the divine
guidance of the world and on the way in which the mysteries of this
guidance have been revealed throughout eternity to mankind —
all this was blended with what he learned and heard from Kant. And
he projected all that arose in his soul into a work which he entitled
Kritik aller Offenbarung
(A Critique of all Revelation). This was in 1792, when Fichte
was thirty years of age. Then a remarkable thing happened. Kant immediately
recommended a publisher for the book, which aroused his
enthusiasm. It went out into the world without the author's name,
and nobody supposed it to be anything but a work by Immanuel Kant
himself. Thus favourable criticisms were showered upon it from every
quarter. Meanwhile Fichte, again through Kant's intervention, had secured
in the excellent Krockov household near Danzig a tutoring post
which this time was very congenial to him, and in which he could
freely cultivate his spiritual aspirations; and it was intolerable
to him so to appear before the world that the public, when
discussing his book, in fact associated it with another author. He
could not endure that; and when the first edition, which was soon
exhausted, was followed by a second, he published his name. And now
he had a singular experience. A great many critics at least found
it impossible to say the exact contrary of what they had said before;
but the judgment at first passed upon the book was now toned down.
This was for Fichte yet another lesson in his study of human
psychology.
After he had
spent some time in the Krockov household he felt able, in view of
his present status in the world, not indeed in a mundane sense, but
intellectually — for he had proved that he was capable of
something — he felt able to prepare for his return to
the Rahn household. Only thus had he resolved to win Klopstock's
niece, and now he could do so. So in 1793 he went back again to
Zurich, and Klopstock's niece became his wife.
He set to
work now, with the utmost intensity, not only to develop in himself
the ideas he had assimilated from Kant, but also to immerse himself
more deeply in all that had occupied his mind during his first stay
at Zurich, in all those ideas about the aims and ideals of humanity
which were now permeating the world. And he mingled the substance
of his own thoughts about human ideals and endeavours with the
ideas now passing through the world. He was so independent a nature
that he could not refrain from communicating to the world his
inevitable conclusions on the ideas about human progress then held
by the most radical thinkers. The book now published by him in 1793
was entitled:
Beiträge zur Berichtigung der Urteile des
Publikums über die französische Revolution
(Suggestions for the Enlightenment of Public Opinion on the
French Revolution).
Simultaneously
with the elaboration of this book there went on in his mind a perpetual
revision of those views of the world which he had formed for
himself from contact with the outlook of Kant. There must be, he
said to himself, a philosophy of life which, in the light of a
supreme impulse, could illuminate the whole domain of knowledge for
the human mind. And this philosophy, aspiring so strongly towards
the highest that no higher ideal of knowledge could ever be found,
was the ideal which now hovered before Fichte's eyes.
By a
singular concatenation of circumstances, while he was still
engaged in working out his ideas within himself, he received a
message from Jena. The impression made there by Fichte's
achievement was such that on the strength of it he was invited,
when Karl Leonhard Reinhold resigned his post at Jena University,
to succeed him there as Professor of Philosophy. Those who were then
directing the intellectual life in that University welcomed with the
utmost satisfaction the idea of introducing into this famous College
(then the highest in prestige of any in Germany) the remarkable
personality who, while in one aspect he struck them as a hot-head,
in another made the impression of a man striving, especially in his
quest for a philosophy of life, towards the highest levels of
thought.
And now let
us just attempt to view him in imagination as he discharges the
duties of his new appointment. He desired to transmit to those who
now from 1794 onwards were his pupils, the outlook on the world
which had formed itself within him. But Fichte was not a teacher like any
other. Let us first consider the results of his spiritual
evolution. It would take too long to explain this in his own words,
but it can be characterized out of his own spirit as follows.
He aspired towards a supreme ideal of such a kind that the human
spirit might apprehend the stream and mystery of the world at a
point where the spirit is directly one with this stream and
mystery. So that man gazing into this mystery of the universe might
be able to link his own existence with it, that is to say, to know
it. This result could not be attained in any exterior sensuous
existence. It could not be reached by any eye, any ear, any other
sense, nor by everyday human understanding either. For all
that can be apprehended outwardly by the senses must first be
co-ordinated by human intelligence; it has its existence in the
outer world. It can only be considered as real when its existence
is, so to speak, confirmed by the observations of the senses. But
that is no real existence; or at least no opinion can be formed at
first about the real existence of what is only apprehended by the
senses. The source of all knowing must rise in the depth of the Ego
itself. That cannot be a something complete in its existence, for a
completed existence in the inner self would be equal to what
appears as completed existence within the outer senses. It must
be a creating reality. This is the Ego itself,
that Ego which recreates itself every moment,
that Ego which is grounded not on a completed being, but on
an inward activity. This Ego cannot be deprived of its being, since
that being consists in its creation; in its self-creation. And into
this self-creation flows everything that has real being. Away then
with this Self out of the world of the senses, and into those
spheres where the spirit moves and has its being, where the spirit
works as creator; we must lay hold of this spiritual life and act
from the point where the Ego unites with the spiritual processes of
the world. We must plunge into that current which is not external
complete being, but which from the source of the divine world-
existence creates the Ego, first as Ego and then as human ideals,
as the great conceptions of Duty.
Such was the
form which the Kantian philosophy had assumed in Fichte's soul. And
thus he did not want to present his hearers with a ready-made
doctrine; with that this man was not concerned. With Fichte it was not
a lecture like another lecture, a doctrine like another doctrine. No;
when this man took his place at the lecturer's desk, then what he
had to say there, or rather to do there, was the fruit
of a long meditation of many hours during which in thought he saw
inwardly the divine being, the divine spiritual ebb and flow
streaming through the world, and permeating in its course the Ego
which ever recreates itself, by a sublime process above and beyond
all sensuous existence. After having brooded long in self-imposed
debate as to what the world's spirit had to impart to the soul
about world mysteries, then, and only then, did he come before his
audience. But then he was not concerned to convey his message, but
to create an atmosphere of communion between himself and his
hearers. His endeavour was that what had come to life in his soul
concerning the world mysteries should come to life likewise
spontaneously in the souls of his listeners. His purpose was to
awaken spiritual activity and spiritual being. From the souls of
his hearers, as they hung upon his words, he sought to call forth a
self-renewing spiritual activity. He did not merely
communicate ideas. The following is an instance of what he
sought to give to his hearers; one day he was attempting to
illustrate this self-renewing faculty of the Ego, how all mental
activity can arise in the Ego and how man can only reach a real
grasp of world mysteries by laying hold of this self-renewing
faculty within himself; and when he was attempting to illustrate
this, entering the spiritual world with his hearers, and, as it
were, taking each one by the hand to guide him into the spiritual
world, he said: “Now may I ask you just to fix your attention
for a moment upon the wall. Well, you have now, I hope, formed a
mental picture of the wall. The wall is now present in your minds
as an image. And now think of a person thinking of the wall. Detach
your minds altogether from any thought of the wall itself. Fix your
attention entirely on the person thinking of the wall.”
This direct
manner, this direct relation which Fichte sought to establish with
his hearers made many of them uneasy, but at the same time impressed
them profoundly. The spirit at work in Fichte had to come to grips with
the spirit of his hearers.
Thus for
several years the man worked on, never repeating the same lecture,
but continually creating anew. For he did not care about imparting
in sentences this or that information, but strove ever and again to
awaken a new response in his hearers. This is evident from his
oft-repeated assertion: “It matters nothing that what I have
to say to men should be repeated by this person or that, but rather
the essential is that I succeed in kindling a flame in men's souls,
a flame which shall induce every one to think for himself. Let no
one repeat my words after me, but let each one be stimulated by me
to deliver his own message.” Fichte's aim was to produce, not
pupils, but original thinkers. If we follow out the history of
Fichte's influence, we can understand how it was that this man, the
most German of the German philosophers, did not train any real
students of philosophy. He founded no school of philosophy. But the
direct relationship which he established with his pupils again and
again produced men of mark.
Now
Fichte was aware — inevitably, since he sought to lead the minds
of men up to a direct contact with creative spiritual reality —
he was aware that he must speak in quite a special way. Fichte's whole
style was indeed hard to follow. None of those who attended any of
his courses at Jena had ever come into contact with such teaching
before. Schiller himself was astonished at it, and Fichte once discussed
with Schiller how his, Fichte's, teaching activity and his manner
of presentation appeared to himself. For example, Fichte remarked;
“Of course, if people just read what I have said, then it is
impossible, as people read to-day, that they should
comprehend what I am trying to say.” Then, taking up
one of his books, he attempted to illustrate how, in his judgment,
his work should be read aloud. Then he said to Schiller: “You
see, people nowadays do not know how to recite inwardly. But people
can only grasp the inner meaning of my lectures by really reciting
them mentally, otherwise it is lost.” Certainly Fichte's own
rendering of his lectures was no mere reading, it was direct speech
itself. Therefore even to-day we ought in studying Fichte to
recite his words mentally
against the background, as it were, of his whole spiritual life,
which merits our attention as representing the spiritual life of
the whole German people. Even to-day we ought still to train
ourselves in reciting and listening inwardly to those passages
of Fichte which otherwise seem so dry and so bare.
We have now
reviewed in our minds Fichte's spiritual development and reached
one of the peaks of his spiritual life. It is right therefore to
glance back for a moment over this remarkable evolution. We first
visualised Fichte as he stood before Baron von
Miltitz in his blue peasant smock, a
sturdy red-cheeked peasant boy who had no other education than that
open to his class, but who, even as a nine-year-old child, had
assimilated that education till it had become the most fundamental
possession of his soul. In him we have an example of a soul grown
to maturity wholly out of the midst of the German people, without
at first receiving any culture other than that which belongs to the
common every-day life of the German people. We have followed this
spirit through difficult phases; this spirit — whose ideal it
really is to remain within the people, but yet is bound to yield to
the deepest motives of his being — can be followed in his
course as he rises to the loftiest heights of inner spiritual
growth and work, until at last he becomes, as we have been able to
illustrate, a moulder of men. We are following the road traversed
by a German spirit growing directly out of the people and climbing
by its own strength alone to the topmost peaks of spiritual being.
Thus up to
the spring of 1799 Fichte discharged the duties of his teaching post at
Jena. Even before that time all sorts of dissensions had arisen,
for it must be admitted that Fichte was not by any means the
kind of man who is easy in intercourse, the kind of man willing for
the sake of friendly relations to use roundabout methods and facile
gestures in his dealings with other people. But here we come to an
important point, which has significance for the whole of the German
life of that epoch.
One person
in particular felt deep satisfaction — a feeling which Goethe
also shared — at having been able to call Fichte to his University
at Jena: this person was the Duke, Karl August. And we may
well, I think, record here the singular tolerance shown by Karl
August in calling to his University the man who had most freely
applied the Kantian philosophy in criticism of revealed religion;
and moreover in inviting to his University the man who had most
boldly and outspokenly taken a stand for the freest ideals of human
development. It would be, I feel, a failure to do justice to Karl
August, that noble spirit, if we passed on without pointing out
what unusual broad-mindedness this German prince must then have
needed, in calling Fichte into his service. This invitation was described
by Goethe as a piece of audacity; and I should like to remind you
of the world of prejudices which Karl August and Goethe, who
in the nature of things were bound to be the chief authors of
this invitation, had to face in taking it on themselves to bring
Fichte to Jena. As I say, it would be almost an injustice not to
point out Karl August's remarkable freedom from all prejudice. And
to illustrate this I should like to read out a passage from Fichte's
book entitled: Suggestions for the Enlightenment of Public Opinion
on the French Revolution:
“They (Fichte is referring to the European princes, including those of
Germany) are for the most part brought up in indolence and
ignorance, or if they know anything it is a kind of knowledge
specially concocted for them; it is a notorious fact that once they
are on the throne they neglect to go on with their education, that
they read no new works except perhaps shallow sophistries and that
they are invariably behind their times by at least as many years as
they have reigned.”
That passage
is from the last book which Fichte had then written — yet the Duke
Karl August invited this man to his University!
Anyone who
gives a little attention to the whole situation of Fichte and those who
had sent for him will come to this conclusion: that those people
who held the view of the great and magnanimous Karl August and
Goethe had undertaken a campaign against the people of their
immediate circle, who were altogether and absolutely in
disagreement with the idea of sending for Fichte. And this was a campaign
which was not easy to undertake; for as already stated, it was not
possible with Fichte to make use of manoeuvres such as are so generally
practised in the world. Fichte was a man who by his awkwardness, by his
bluntness often offended the very people whom it was most desirable
to avoid offending. He was not a man to make smooth gestures: he
was a man who, if something did not please him, would strike out
with his fist against the world. And the manner in which
Fichte was then using his whole energy to impart his message
to the world was admittedly such as to cause Goethe and Karl
August some distress; it was not easy for them, it was very hard
for them to put up with it, and they were distressed.
And so little by little the storm-clouds gathered. First of all,
Fichte wanted to give a course of ethical lectures, those which
are printed under the title
“Lectures on the Morality of the Scholar.”
The only suitable hour that he could find was on
Sunday. But this was a shocking suggestion to all who held that it
would be a profanation of the holy day to address the Jena students
on a Sunday on the subject of morality as Fichte conceived it. And protests
of every sort and kind poured in upon the Weimar Government, upon
Goethe and Karl August. The whole Senate of Jena University passed
a unanimous resolution to the effect that a deplorable sensation
and infinite mischief would result if Fichte were to deliver lectures
on morals in the University on Sundays — he had selected the
hour of the afternoon church service. In this affair Karl August
was forced for the time being to leave Fichte's adversaries in
possession of the field. But once again it would not be right to
pass on without drawing attention to the manner in which he did it.
The following is an extract from the letter sent by Karl August to
the University of Jena: —
“In accordance with your request we have resolved that the
above-mentioned Professor Fichte shall be permitted to continue his
moral lectures on Sunday only after the close of the afternoon church
service.” However, Karl August was brought to this decision only
on account of “a circumstance so unusual as the arrangement of
lectures of this kind during the hours appointed for Divine Service.”
In the official decree sent by the Duke to the University Senate he
wrote in reference to these lectures: — “We have been
glad to assure ourselves that if his (Fichte's) moral lectures
resemble the accompanying admirable essay from his pen, they
may well prove to be of the highest value.”
[See Rudolf Steiner:
Sonderdruck aus dem Goethe-Jahrbuch,
fünfzehnter Band 1894:
Neue Mitteilungen. Sieben Briefe von Fichte
an Goethe. Zwei Briefe von Fichte an Schiller.
(Reprint from the Goethe Year-Book, Vol. 15:
New Communications. Seven Letters from Fichte to Goethe.
Two Letters from Fichte to Schiller.)]
But the
attack was pressed home. The enemy never afterwards let go their
hold. And so, in 1799, came about that unhappy controversy over the
charge of atheism, as a result of which Fichte had to relinquish his
position as lecturer at Jena. A younger man named Forberg had
contributed to the periodical Fichte was then editing, an
article which incurred from a certain quarter a charge of
atheism. Fichte, for his part, thought that what this young man had written
was rather imprudent, and wished to add marginal comments. Forberg
disagreed with this suggestion; so that Fichte in that lofty manner of
his which he used not alone in great matters but also in the
smallest ones, would not hear of rejecting the article because he
disagreed with it, and would not add marginal notes against the
author's will; however, he wrote in the form of a preface some
lines about the basis of the belief in the divine governance of the
world. These lines of his were wholly imbued, through and through,
with the spirit of genuine and deeply-felt reverence and piety,
exalted to that spiritual level of which Fichte said that it was the only
true reality, that we can only grasp reality when the Ego feels
itself moving in the sphere of the spirit, immersed in the
spiritual stream of the world. We must not, therefore, he added,
apprehend the existence of God by any external revelation or
external knowledge whatever. We must apprehend the existence of God
in the living process of creation. We must sense the creative
process of the world by standing in the stream of it, ourselves
ceaselessly creating and so attaining our own immortality.
But in
consequence of this article the charge of atheism was now turned
against Fichte himself. It is impossible to relate here the full details
of this controversy. It is indeed grievous to observe how Goethe
and Karl August, against their will, had to take sides
against Fichte; who, however, would never be restrained, when he felt
impelled to communicate his appointed message to the world, from
retorting to an attack by a direct blow. So matters went on
till Fichte heard that steps were to be taken against him, that he was
to be reprimanded. Goethe and Karl August would have preferred to
see the matter settled by a reprimand. But Fichte said to himself that to
accept a reprimand for ideas drawn from the deepest sources of the
human spirit, would mean an offence against honour, not his
personal honour, but that of the spiritual life itself. And so he
then wrote a private letter, which however was viewed as an official
communication and filed among the official documents, to the
Minister Voigt at Weimar, to the effect that he would never accept any
reprimand, no, rather he would take his departure! And
whenever Fichte wrote about matters of this kind he wrote as he spoke. It
used to be said of him that he had a sharp tongue when necessary;
and in correspondence too he could be cutting towards anybody,
whoever it might be. Thus the authorities had no alternative,
unless everything were to be turned upside down at Jena, but to
accept the resignation which Fichte had not really meant to
tender, for his private letter had been treated as an official
communication. At any rate that was how it came about that
Fichte had to give up his post as teacher at Jena, which had been
blessed with such fruitful influence.
Shortly
afterwards we see him appear at Berlin. He has now approached from
a fresh angle the position of the Ego in the ever-moving stream of
the world-spirit. The book which he then wrote (and which can now
be bought cheaply in Reklam's Universal Library) was called
Die Bestimmung des Menschen
(The Destiny of Man).
Into the composition of this work he threw his whole being and energy.
In it he strove to show how those who only view the world of the senses
from outside, co-ordinating it with the understanding, can only
point the way towards a meaningless view of the world. The gist of
Part I is to show how in this fashion one arrives only at a
dream-reflection of life. The object of Part II is to show how the
mind thus comes to regard the world as a chain of exterior
necessities. And in Part III we come to the enquiry as to how the
soul fares when it seeks not merely an image but a direct
participation in that great creative process of all existence.
After putting the finishing touches to the work, Fichte wrote to his
wife, whom he had then left behind at Jena: “I have never before
looked so deeply into religion as during the composition of the last
part of this work,
The Destiny of Man.”
Apart from a
short interval in 1805, which he spent at the University of
Erlangen, Fichte passed the remainder of his life in this world at Berlin.
At first he gave private lectures at the various houses in which he
lived, lectures of an impressive character; subsequently he was
invited to assist in the newly-founded University, to which we must
now turn our attention.
As I said,
apart from the short interlude in 1805 at Erlangen, his work now lay in
Berlin. He was still drawing from ever fresh sources in his soul
the ideas which he had to impart to the public. So at
Erlangen, continually recasting his ideas in a fresh mould, he
presented his theory of knowledge, his outlook on the world.
Strangely enough, whereas at Jena he had from the beginning of his
course a fair audience which steadily increased, and similarly in
Berlin, the number of his hearers in Erlangen dwindled by one half in
the course of the term. Everyone knows how professors generally
take such a falling-off; anyone who has any experience knows that
they simply have to accept it. But Fichte did not react to it in
that way. One day when his audience at Erlangen had diminished to one
half, he referred to it, taking for granted that his words would
reach also those who had stayed away, in one of those thundering
tirades in which he demonstrated to people that, if they would not
hear what he had to say, then they were good only for external
historical knowledge, not for intellectual knowledge. And
after going on to discuss what a man should become in life if in
his spiritual strivings he rejected this intellectual kind of
knowledge, he continued as follows: — “Now as to the
time of my lectures. I have heard how much dissatisfaction is
felt at the choice of time. I will not consider this strictly
according to principles which are really self-evident and which
would have to be applied here. I will take it that the persons
concerned are only misinformed, and will try to put them right. No
doubt they may say that there is a tradition in this matter dating
from long ago. Supposing that this were the fact, I should have to
reply that grave abuses must have existed in the university from
the earliest times. ... I myself have held
at Jena from six to seven o'clock in summer and winter a course
such as this, attended by hundreds, whose numbers used to increase
considerably towards the close. I must say openly that when I
arrived here I selected this hour because no other was available.
Now that I have realised the point of view adopted towards it, I
shall select it deliberately for the coming summer.
“At
the back of all these difficulties we find a deep-seated incapacity
in people to occupy themselves and a great deal of
shallowness and ennui, so that after a meal has been taken,
by God's grace, at midday, people find it unendurable to stay any
longer in the town. And even if you were to give me proofs —
which I hope it would be impossible to supply — that such has
been the custom at Erlangen since its foundation, in the whole of
Franconia, indeed throughout South Germany, then I would not hesitate
to answer that in that case shallowness and futility must have made
their headquarters at Erlangen and the whole of South Germany.”
Whatever one may think of such outbursts as this, it is truly characteristic
of Fichte as regards his intense concentration on the spiritual message
which he was trying to deliver to mankind. Whenever he spoke he did
not seek merely to say something but to do something
for men's souls, to lay hold on them; thus every soul who stayed
away was a real loss, not for himself but for the purpose which he
was trying to realise for mankind. For Fichte the word was also an act.
Since he himself dwelt within the spiritual world, it was possible
for him through spiritual communion to gather others around him
within that world, because he was himself within it and was no mere
theoretical champion of the principles he professed when he said:
“Reality is not in the outer world of the senses but in the
spirit; and whoever knows the spirit can perceive behind all
sensuous existence the spiritual reality.”
And to him
this was no mere theory, it was also a practical reality, as was
proved at a later date at Berlin by the following incident. One day
when his audience was assembled in the lecture hall, which was near
the Spree Canal, a terrible message was brought. Some children,
with Fichte's son among them, had been playing down there; a boy
had fallen into the water and it was thought to be Fichte's
son. Fichte and
a friend set out, and in the presence of all his students, they
pulled the boy out of the water. Although the boy bore a close
resemblance to Fichte's son, it was not in fact he. Yet for a
moment Fichte had been convinced that it was his son. He did what he
could for the child, who however was dead when taken from the
water. Anybody who knows the intimate family affection in Fichte's
household between him, his wife Johanna and their only son, will
realise something of what Fichte went through at that moment; the
terrible shock that he underwent and then the transition from this
shock to the deepest joy when he was able to clasp his son in his
arms. When he had done this and changed his clothes, he proceeded
to deliver the remainder of his two-hour lecture just as he always
did, that is, wholly intent on his subject.
This was not
a unique instance. Often and often did Fichte give similar proofs of his
integral loyalty to the world of the spirit. For example, it was at
this period at Berlin that he delivered public lectures which were
intended as a criticism and a severe indictment of his age. He
passed in review one by one the various epochs of history. But it
was, he said, the age in which he lived, which had brought
selfishness to the extreme limit. And in that age of selfishness he
found himself confronting the personality of Napoleon, in whom, in
his view, this selfishness was incarnate. During all this period
when the Napoleonic chaos was enveloping north and central
Germany, Fichte never in his heart viewed himself otherwise than as
Napoleon's spiritual antagonist. And so we get his character study
of Napoleon, of which it may be said that an image of the Emperor,
profoundly German in its approach and in its vigour and based
on the loftiest philosophical standpoint, had shaped itself in the
mind of this German thinker who had grown out of that peasant boy
in a blue smock of whom earlier we had a glimpse. We have come now
to a state of human existence at the present time, said Fichte, in which
people have lost their consciousness of the spiritual influence
which pulsates through the world and also through human existence
and evolution, and which, in the form of the moral impulses,
carries mankind forward from epoch to epoch; of the truth that in
the march of history man is only of value in so far as he is
sustained by what is permanent from age to age in the moral
impulses and the moral order of the world. Of all this people no
longer know anything. We have arrived at an epoch in which we see
one generation succeed another like links in a chain. Even the best
minds, said Fichte, have forgotten the moral principles which must pervade
these links. And in such a world we encounter the personality of
Napoleon, an inexhaustible source of energy indeed, but a man who,
though he may have had in his soul occasional glimpses of freedom,
has never formed any true notion of the real all-embracing ideal of
freedom as it works from age to age in men's moral aspirations and
in the moral framework of the world. And from this fundamental
deficiency that a personality which is only a shell, without any
true spiritual core, can yet wield such immense force, from this
phenomenon Fichte traced the personality, the whole “catastrophe”
as he expressed it — Napoleon.
In
mentioning this and in placing side by side these two personalities
— Fichte, the most forceful exponent of the German outlook with his
view of Napoleon, and on the other side Napoleon himself —
reference should be made to an observation attributed to Napoleon
at St. Helena, after his downfall; for it is only in this light
that the whole situation can be clearly grasped. At St. Helena,
after his downfall, Napoleon expressed himself as follows:
“Everything would have gone all right. I should not have
fallen before all the Powers which ranged themselves against me.
With one factor only did I fail to reckon, and it is this that
really brought about my downfall, namely — the German
philosophers!” Let narrow minds say what they will
about the value of philosophy; this piece of self-revelation from
Napoleon's own lips has more weight, I think, than all the
objections that might be raised against Fichte's idealism,
which indeed had a thoroughly practical aspect.
Finally, it
is possible to adduce another proof, a proper historical proof,
that it is not so difficult for an idealist such as
Fichte to be practical
when occasion demanded. It had become necessary for him to enter as
a partner into his father's business, which had now been taken over
by his brothers. We see him accordingly as a partner in the family
ribbon-weaving business. His parents were still alive; and we may
note that he proved to be a good and prudent business man, capable
of lending valuable assistance to his brothers, who had remained
simply men of business. A man such as Fichte has many critics who say:
“Oh these idealists, they dwell in a dream-world, they understand
nothing of practical life!” But it may well be imagined that
Fichte from the depth of his being, and especially in his lectures on
Die Bestimmung des Gelehrten
(The Vocation of the Scholar),
had something to say which cannot be too often repeated in the face
of those who point to the unpractical nature of idealism, of the
spiritual world altogether. In the introduction to this course of
lectures Fichte made the following observations: —
“That ideals cannot be demonstrated in the actual world is a fact
which we know perhaps as well as our critics, perhaps better. We
merely assert that reality must be judged with reference to these
ideals and must be modified by those who feel in themselves the
strength to do so. Supposing however that our critics cannot even
concede so much; well, seeing that they are what they are, this
inability will mean small loss to them, and none to the world. It
will simply mean that they do not count in the process towards the
ennoblement of mankind, which anyway will go forward without any
doubt; as to these others, may kindly nature have them in her
keeping, granting them in God's good time rain, sunshine, wholesome
nourishment and proper circulation of the blood, and, in
addition to all these — right thoughts!”
The
significance of ideals, the significance also of practical life,
was something already quite clear to the mind of this German. But
then Fichte's was a nature which stood by itself. He may be called
one-sided; but this one-sidedness must occur sometimes in life,
just as there are certain forces which must occasionally overshoot
the mark in order to achieve the best results.
Undoubtedly
Fichte's behaviour often had a rough side to it, as when apart from
his lectures on the principles of morality, he attempted to take
practical steps at Jena against the tyranny of routine, and against
drinking and loafing ways among the students. He had by now a
certain following in student circles. Further, as a result of his
influence, petitions had been presented to the authorities asking
for the abolition of this or that society which was particularly
given to disorder. As we have seen, Fichte was a rugged nature, not
skilful in making smooth gestures, but quite likely,
metaphorically of course, to strike out fiercely with his
fist now and then; and indeed matters came to such a pass that the
majority of the Jena students were altogether opposed to
Fichte and his practical moral influence. So they banded
themselves together and smashed his windows. To Goethe, though
he respected Fichte and was
respected by him, the incident suggested a humorous comment.
“Why yes,” said Goethe, “that is the philosopher
who derives everything from the Ego! It is truly an inconvenient
way of being assured of the existence of the non-ego, to have one's
windows smashed; that was not what one assumed as the contrary of
the Ego.”
All this,
however, does not mean that there was any lack of harmony between
Fichte's and Goethe's philosophical outlook. And Fichte was profoundly
right in the feeling he expressed in a letter to Goethe on 21st June,
1794, soon after the beginning of his lectures at Jena, when sending
to Goethe the proofs of his work on the Theory of Knowledge:
“I regard you, and have always done so, as representing the purest
spirituality of feeling at the point so far reached by human
progress. Philosophy rightly turns towards you, for your feeling is
its best criterion.”
And Goethe
wrote to Fichte, after receiving the pages of the
Theory of Knowledge:
“There is nothing in your work which is not altogether in
line with my own customary way of thinking.” Again, in
another letter to Fichte, referring also to the
Theory of Knowledge:
“These ideas are indeed now in harmony with nature;
but men's minds must also come into harmony with them and I believe
that you will be able to present them in the right way.” And
if anyone to-day should assert that he finds this
Theory of Knowledge,
as then published by Fichte, dry and unlike Goethe, or that Goethe
would have had no taste for such things, one must reply to this
criticism as I replied when publishing the letters of Fichte to
Goethe, in the Weimar Schiller-and-Goethe Archives, in the Goethe
Year-Book of 1894.
[See Rudolf Steiner: Reprint from the Goethe
Year-Book, Vol. 15, 1894: Further Communications;
Seven Letters from Fichte to Goethe;
Two Letters from Fichte to Schiller.
That Goethe was keenly interested in Fichte's philosophy
and by no means adopted a negative attitude towards it, is proved
by a passage in a letter to Fichte of 24th June, 1794, in which he
says about the first sheets of the
Theory of Knowledge:
“There is nothing in the pages you have sent
me which I do not understand or at least believe that I understand,
nothing which cannot be easily assimilated to my accustomed way of
thinking.” Further evidence of this can be seen in the fact
that Goethe made long extracts from this work, still preserved in
the Goethe Archives.]
In the Goethe-Schiller Archives there are extracts from Fichte's
Theory of Knowledge
in Goethe's own hand, accompanied sentence by sentence by
the ideas inspired in him reading Fichte; and after all it is
intelligible that Goethe, one of the most German among Germans, out
of the pure spirituality of feeling with which he sought for a
fresh outlook on the world, should inevitably hold out his hand to
the man who as the most German of all Germans was in quest of a
philosophical outlook based on the force of pure reason alone.
Goethe once also, by the way, expressed very aptly his relationship
towards the philosophy of Kant. What he said was — not word
for word, but in substance — as follows: Kant had
argued that, by turning his attention outward upon the world, man
can only arrive at sense-knowledge. But his sense-knowledge
is nothing but appearance, merely something which man himself by
his point of view introduces into the world. Knowledge must be
deposed from its seat, for it is only by a belief that it is
possible to arrive at freedom, at infinity, at a conception of the
divine spiritual existence. And this attempt to arrive not at
a belief, but at a direct insight into the spiritual world, this
attempt to bring the individual creative process into communion
with the creativeness of the divine world spirit, this attempt
which Kant believes to be impossible, would be, as he terms it, the
“venture of reason” and Goethe's comment on this is:
“Very well then, an attempt must certainly be made to
undertake, undaunted, this venture of reason! And assuming that a
man has no doubts of the spiritual world but believes in freedom
and immortality in God, why should he not face this venture of
reason and with the creative element of the soul transport himself
into the heart of the creative process which ebbs and flows through
the world?” In Fichte, Goethe found a conception of the same
venture, only imagined in another way.
And indeed
it had to emerge sooner or later, albeit in a rugged form, this urge
towards spirituality, towards the apprehension of the all-creating
world-intelligence, towards the state where the creative Ego indwells
in the creative world-being and is one with it. And in Fichte's view
the impulse in this direction was to be given by his
Theory of Knowledge.
In this theory the very spirit of the German people produced before
the world what it had to utter about life and the world and the aims
of mankind; it was as it were a direct gesture from the German people,
from out of which we see Fichte's soul mount upwards to the
heights. Indeed he himself was aware that his philosophy was always
rooted in his living intercourse with the spirit of the German
people. This spirit found here, it is true, only such expression as
it could, seeing that it had first to emerge through the medium of
such a rough-hewn personality as Fichte's. No, truly, his was not a
personality easy to deal with. Of this we find again another
illustration in the following connection. When a University was to
be founded at Berlin, and it fell to Fichte to work out a scheme for
it, his plan, worked out to the smallest details, showed what his
conception of a University was like. And what was his idea? In this
University to be started at Berlin he wanted to build something so
fundamentally novel, especially for the beginning of the nineteenth
century, that — we may say it without the slightest fear of
contradiction — this novelty is as yet unrealised anywhere in
the world, and the world is still waiting for it. Needless to say,
Fichte's scheme was not put into practice, though indeed he was
aiming at nothing else than, as he expressed it, to make the
University into a “School of training in the scientific
application of intelligence.” What was this University to
become? A place of nurture, which might be termed a school of
training for the scientific use of the intelligence!
Accordingly, it was to turn out, not specialists in this subject or
that, such as philosophers or natural scientists or physicians or
jurists, but human beings so closely fitted into the structure of
the world as to have entire command over the art of using their
intelligence. Only imagine what a blessing it would mean if such a
University really existed anywhere in the world! if actually we
could find realised anywhere a school that would turn out people
who have made their inner soul so vital that they could move freely
within the essential logic of existence!
But truly
this personality was not easy to deal with! It was something
massive which existed in order to leave a distinctive mark on
history. Fichte became the second Rector of the new University.
He filled the position so energetically that he was only able to
remain Rector for four months; for neither the students nor the
authorities concerned could tolerate any longer what he was
attempting to accomplish. All this however, just as with Fichte
himself, is typical of German national feeling. For when he delivered his
Reden an das deutsche Volk
(Addresses to the German People),
to which, and indeed to the whole great phenomenon of Fichte, I
have already repeatedly referred here, not only during the war but
also before it — when he delivered these Addresses he
knew that he was trying to communicate to the German people what he
had, so to speak, overheard in his meditative conversations with
the world-spirit. The only response at which he was aiming was to
arouse in their souls whatever can be aroused out of the deepest
sources of the German being. This manner which Fichte adopted
towards his time and towards those whose souls he hoped to raise
to a level sufficient for the tasks of the wider universe, all this
was unlikely to make any impression on idlers or superficial people,
except perhaps to excite their curiosity. But this latter response
was the last which Fichte sought to evoke. Needless to say, when such
an intellectual phenomenon as Fichte appears in the world, the very
easiest course is to turn it into ridicule; there is nothing easier
than to play the critic and to laugh at it. People did this a good deal,
and the result was sometimes to place Fichte in difficult situations.
For example, immediately after his arrival at the University
of Jena, he found himself in quite a serious dilemma through his
inability to agree with others who after all were also philosophers.
Thus there was at the Jena University a man who was the traditional
professor of philosophy, a man by the name of Schmid. This man had
expressed such vehement condemnation of Fichte's previous work that
it was really outrageous that Fichte was now to
become his colleague. Thereupon Fichte in turn published a few
remarks in the periodical in which Schmid's criticism had appeared.
And so the affair went on, backwards and forwards. Fichte assumed his
position at Jena just at the time when he was writing in the Jena
periodical to which Schmid had contributed “I declare that for
me Herr Schmid will no longer exist in this world.” It was a
serious matter to take his place beside his colleague in such an
atmosphere. A less serious, but no less characteristic incident, was as
follows: at that time there was appearing at Berlin a periodical called
Der Freimütige
(The Independent)
directed by the “celebrated” German writer
Kötzebue
and another man. It was impossible to make out
(indeed I believe that even by the most intimate clairvoyance it
would not have been possible) the reason why this
Kötzebue
attended Fichte's lectures. But these doubts lasted only for a while,
and presently the reason became clear when
Der Freimütige,
then a very prominent magazine at Berlin, began to publish the most
vicious attacks upon Fichte's lectures. One day Fichte found it more
than he could stand. Thereupon he took a number of this magazine
Der Freimütige
and dissected it before his audience, ridiculing the
opinions expressed in the article with the inimitable humour which
he had at his command. The countenance of one member of the
audience, whose presence there so far had been unexplained, grew
longer and longer. And finally Herr
Kötzebue
stood up with a very long face and announced that he did not see
why he should listen to this any longer; so he went off and did not
return. But Fichte was heartily glad to be rid of him.
Through the
way in which he adapted himself in practice to life, when he was
trying to remould the innermost depths of human existence,
Fichte knew how to
find the tone precisely adapted to the situation before him. Even
though he dwelt altogether in the spiritual world, he was yet no
otherworldly idealist, but he was a man standing altogether
by himself and was accustomed to pay earnest heed to what he felt
to be the innermost promptings of his own nature. Accordingly, at a
certain time when Napoleon had conquered Berlin and the French were
in occupation, he was unable to remain in the city. He did not
choose to remain in a city which was under the French yoke. He went
therefore first to
Königsberg,
subsequently to Copenhagen, returning only when he was ready to come
forward as the German who could put before his compatriots the very
soul of his nation and its national characteristics, in his
Addresses to the German People.
Fichte
is rightly regarded as a direct expression of German national sentiment,
as an expression of that spirit which eternally and profoundly —
in so far as we are able to apprehend the spirit of German nationality
— dwells in our midst — and not merely in thought. A
philosopher, Robert Zimmerman, by no means in accord with Fichte in his
philosophical outlook, has finely characterised this aspect of Fichte in
the following passage:
“As long as there beats in Germany a heart capable of feeling the shame
of foreign domination, so long will the memory of this brave man
persist among us; at a moment of the deepest humiliation,
amid the ruins of the monarchy of Frederick the Great, in the midst
of the French occupation of Berlin, within sight and hearing of the
enemy, surrounded by spies and informers, there was a man who yet
undertook the task of regenerating from within by the spirit the
energies of the German people which had been broken from without by
the sword; and at the very moment when Germany's political
existence seemed as if annihilated for evermore, this man undertook
to recreate it for future generations by the inspiring thought
of universal culture.”
It is true
that to-day we may think quite differently as to the substance of
many of the ideas expressed in the
Addresses to the German People,
and indeed in Fichte's other writings; but that, as I should like to
repeat once more, is not the main question. The main thing is that we
should feel the German spirit which pervades his productions,
and the renewal of the German spirit in its relations with the
world at large, the revival which breathes forth from the
Addresses to the German People.
The main thing is that we should feel this as
the spirit which is now alive amongst us and which we can perceive
only in this one instance of Fichte, who has thus taken his
place in German evolution — at first, indeed, in a style
which attracted widespread notice. Power and energy combined
with profound introspection — such were the qualities with
which this soul strove to take his place in world evolution.
Accordingly, at the period when the end of his life was approaching,
in the autumn of 1813, Fichte again found an opportunity of repeating
in the most intimate form before his Berlin audiences his whole
Theory of Knowledge,
after remoulding and recasting it, as a result of further meditations,
till it embodied his deepest thoughts. In these Addresses, once more
penetrating the souls of his hearers in the way described earlier, he
considered again the impossibility for man to go behind the veil of
his existence unless he be willing to embrace this existence in the
spirit, beyond all sensuous reality. But to those men who believe
themselves able to apprehend the truth of existence through the
sense-world and the results of sense-experience alone, to these
people Fichte proclaimed in these lectures, which are among his last:
“All their knowledge only leads to misunderstanding and vain words;
and for that they praise themselves and think all is well. For example,
as regards sight: the image of an object is thrown on the retina.
Similarly the image of an object is reflected in the surface of
still water. Do we therefore hold that the surface of the water can
see? What is that further factor which makes the difference between
that image in the water and real seeing, the factor which exists in
us but not in the water? But these people have not even an inkling
of this, for their minds do not reach so far.”
We must
become aware, says Fichte, of a special sense, a new sense within one's
self, if we mean to experience that existence in the spirit which
alone makes all other existence intelligible.
“I am,
and I am with all my aims only in a supersensuous world.”
These words are Fichte's own, and they run like a leitmotiv through
all Fichte's utterances throughout his life, which he again confirmed
in another way in that autumn of 1813. And what was it that he
spoke of then? Of the necessity for men to become conscious that
with the outlook on things and the world current in ordinary life
and ordinary knowledge one could never get behind the reality
of being. We must, he said, become aware that a supersensuous mind
dwells in every one of us, and that man can merge his being in a
world beyond the senses, and with this supersensuous mind can
become, as a creative Ego, one with the stream of the creative
pervading world-spirit. It is, he says, as though a seeing man
comes to a world of the blind and tries to explain to the
inhabitants colour and form, and the blind people deny that these
exist. Even so the materialist denies, because he does not possess
the requisite sense, like the man who knows:
“I am,
and I am with all my aims and deeds in the supersensuous world.”
[“Imagine a world of
people blind from birth, for whom therefore only those things and
their relationships are known which can be apprehended by touch. Go
among these, and talk to them of colour and the other relationships
which are present only through light to the sense of sight. You
will be talking to them of nothing, and it is all the better if
they say so; for thus you will soon perceive your error and, unless
you have the power of opening their eyes, you will desist from
useless explanation.”]
And with such emphasis did Fichte then impress upon his
hearers this existence in the supersensuous, this life in the
spiritual, that he said: “Accordingly the new sense is the
sense of the spirit; the sense for which only spirit and nothing
else whatever has being, and for which also that other, the
every-day existence assumes the form of spirit and is transformed
into it, for which therefore being as such has actually
disappeared.”
It is a
glorious fact that in German spiritual development there should
have been someone to bear witness in this way to the life of the
spirit, in the presence of those who were eager to hear what the
German nation, on its highest level, and speaking from the depth of
its being, has to utter. For that is what this German nation
communicated through Fichte, and it is true of Fichte more than of
any other man, that he represented the German soul speaking, at the
level it had then reached, to the German nation itself.
Whether we
consider this Fichte externally, or whether we look with the inner eye
into his soul, always he appears to us as the most direct
expression of German nationality itself, not that which is present
only at a particular time within the German people, but what is
ever present, what is ever there in our midst, if we only know how
to perceive it. Through his personality Fichte presents himself to us in
such a way that we desire to have his image as if plastically
before our souls; and with the mind's eye clearly to see him and
hear him as he creates that atmosphere which rises as he
speaks between his soul and that of his hearers, so that we seek to
draw quite close to him. The result is that we can feel his
presence, as I would put it, like that of a legendary hero, a hero
of the spirit, who with the eyes of the spirit can always be seen
as a leader of his people, if this people only know itself aright!
His own people can visualize him, by bringing his image plastically
before their souls as one of their chief spiritual heroes.
And to-day,
in this age of deeds, in this age when the German people is
wrestling as never before for its very existence, we shall do well
to evoke with the vision of the spirit the image of this man, who
was able to depict German nature and character from the loftiest
point of view, but also in the most vigorous individual style, so
that of him more than of any other we may believe that, if we
understand him rightly, we still have him actually among us. For
everything in him is cast so wholly in one mould, he comes forward
so directly towards us that as we look at him, he seems to stand
before us in his fashion as he lived; whether each single feature
stands out from his complete being, or whether we let ourselves be
influenced by the most intimate aspects of his soul, in either case
he stands before us as a whole. We cannot comprehend him else, for
otherwise we comprehend him only blunderingly and superficially.
Yes, we can
catch a glimpse of him at his work of kindling among his
compatriots the souls of men to surrender themselves, creative in
the stream of creation, to the vital forces of the world;
ascending, in company with those others, to spiritual experience
and entering as a living influence into the process of development
of his people. We need but to open the eyes of the spirit. It is
only thus plastically that he can be understood; but if we open the
eyes of the spirit to his greatness as a national figure, then we
shall find him standing in our midst. He endeavoured, as we have
seen, to produce effects different from those of other teachers by
using language as a medium of doing rather than saying when he came
before his audience; in such a way that it was indifferent to him
what he said, because he aimed solely at kindling the hearer's soul
to deeds of his own, because something had to take place in the
souls of his hearers to make them undergo a change between entering
and leaving the hall. All this has the quite unusual result that we
find his living image, that of a man of the people moulding his
fellows, present to our minds; and that we seem to hear him
transforming into the words which are themselves deeds those
thoughts overheard, as it were, in the solitary meditations and
dialogues with the world-spirit, whereby he prepared himself for
every single lecture; so that when he had finished speaking, he
dismissed his audience as changed people. They had become other
beings, not through his strength but through the awakening and
kindling of their own. If we understand him rightly in
such a way, then we may believe that we hear him clairaudiently
as he strives to reach with the sharp edge of his words the spirit
which he has already apprehended in the soul, seeking ever —
as was said of him — to send out into the world, through his
cultivation of the soul, not merely good but great men.
If we indeed
form within us a living image of what he was, we cannot fail to
hear his words, those words which seemed to be but using
this Fichte to communicate a message from the heart of the world,
kindling as it came fire and warmth and light. Fortitude vibrated in
his words, and moral energy emanated from them. In others too fortitude
was kindled by his words as they poured through the ears into the
souls and hearts of those who heard him, and from these utterances
streamed out into the world a flow of moral energy, when Fichte's
followers, with their souls thus aflame with the fire of his
eloquence, went out into the world, as we so often learn from
contemporaries, as the most capable men of their time. By opening
the ears of the spirit we can hear Fichte, if we understand him at
all, directly as if he were a living presence speaking out
of the heart of his people. And whoever has
any ear for such national greatness will hear it still in our
midst. It is rare indeed to find ourselves confronted with any
spirit in whom we can trace all that he is into every single act of
his life. That sense of duty, of the moral order the world, which
he embodied at the climax of his philosophical development, can it
not already be noted in the seven-year-old boy who threw the
Gehörnte Siegfried
into the water, because he had conceived a passion for it which he felt
to be in contradiction to his duties? The brooding man preparing by
meditation for his lectures, with his spirit intent on the
mysteries of the world, can he not be found already in embryo in
the boy who stood for hours on the moor with his eyes fixed in one
direction, lost in the mysteries of nature till the shepherd passed
and led him home? That intense fire which inspired Fichte in his
teacher's chair at Jena and later when, as he said, he was speaking
to the representatives of his whole nation in the
Addresses to the German People
— can we not feel it already in the incident when he so
impressed Baron von Miltitz by his reproduction of the
country clergyman's sermon? And if we possess even a little
spiritual divination, can we not feel this spirit very near to us
in every single act, even in the slightest act of his life? Can we
not feel how fortitude of soul, moral energy stream out from this
spirit throughout the whole subsequent German development? Can we
not feel the lasting vitality, even if we can no longer agree with
the ideas in detail, in the
Addresses to the German People?
Although the work was twice confiscated by the censorship in 1824,
it could not be killed; it is alive more than ever to-day, and is
destined to live on in men's souls.
How clearly
we can see him, this Fichte, standing in our midst! How clearly we can
hear him, if we understand him rightly! If we use our spiritual sense
we can feel how he thrilled the hearts of his followers, and beyond
that of the whole German people in all its subsequent evolution;
and we can feel that what he created, the stream of spiritual
energy which he contributed to the ever-moving current of his
nation's development, must remain something imperishable! We cannot
help ourselves, if we understand him aright, we must feel this
spirit of Fichte to be
PRESENT
IN OUR MIDST.
Printed
in Great Britain by Lawrence Bros. (Weston-super-Mare) Ltd.,
North Street, Weston-super-Mare.
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