ROM the two preceding lectures you will have realised that in finding
it necessary to speak at the present time of the threefold social
order, anthroposophical spiritual science is not actuated by any
subjective views or aims. The purpose of the lecture yesterday was to
point to impulses deeply rooted in the life of the peoples of the
civilised world — the world as it is in this Fifth Post-Atlantean
Epoch. I tried to show how, from about the year 1200 A.D. onwards,
there awakened in Middle Europe an impulse leading to the growth of
what may be called the civic social order, but that this civic social
life of the middle classes was infiltrated by the remains of a life of
soul belonging to earlier centuries — by those decadent Nibelung
traits which appeared particularly among the ruling strata in the
mid-European countries.
I laid special stress upon the existence of a radical contrast in
mid-European life from the thirteenth until the twentieth centuries,
culminating in the terrible death-throes of social life that have come
upon Middle Europe. This incisive contrast was between the inner,
soul-life of the widespread middle-class, and that of the descendants
of the old knighthood, of the feudal overlords, of those in whom
vestiges of the old Nibelung characteristics still survived. These
latter were the people who really created the political life of
Middle Europe, whereas the bulk of the middle class remained
non-political, a-political. If one desires to be a spiritual scientist
from the practical point of view, serious study must be given to this
difference of soul-life between the so-called educated bourgeoisie and
all those who held any kind of ruling positions in Middle Europe at
that time. I spoke of this in the lecture yesterday.
We will now consider in rather greater detail why it was that the
really brilliant spiritual movement which lasted from the time of
Walter von der Vogelweide until that of Goetheanism, and then abruptly
collapsed, failed to gain any influence over social life or to produce
any thoughts which could have been fruitful in that sphere. Even
Goethe, with all his power to unfold great, all-embracing ideas in
many domains of life, was really only able to give a few indications
— concerning which one may venture to say that even he was not quite
clear about them — as to what must come into being as a new social
order in civilised humanity. Fundamentally speaking, the tendency
towards the threefold membering of a healthy social organism was
already present in human beings, subconsciously, by the end of the
eighteenth century. The demands for freedom, equality and fraternity,
which can have meaning only when the threefold social order becomes
reality, testified to the existence of this subconscious longing. Why
did it never really come to the surface?
This is connected with the whole inherent character of mid-European
spiritual life. At the end of the lecture yesterday I spoke of a
strange phenomenon. I said that Hermann Grimm — for whom I have
always had such high regard and whose ideas were able to shed light
upon so many aspects of art and general human interest of bygone times
— succumbed to the extraordinary fallacy of admiring such an
out-and-out phrasemonger as Wildenbruch! In the course of years I have
often mentioned an incident which listeners may have thought trivial,
but which can be deeply indicative for those who study life in its
symptomatological aspect. Among the many conversations I had with
Hermann Grimm while I was in personal contact with him, there was one
in which I spoke from my own point of view about many things that need
to be understood in the spiritual sense. In telling this story I have
always stressed the fact that Hermann Grimm's only response to such
mention of the spiritual was to make a warding-off gesture with his
hand, indicating that this was a realm he was not willing to enter. A
supremely true utterance, consisting of a gesture of the hand, was
made at that moment. It was true inasmuch as Hermann Grimm, for all
his penetration into many things connected with the so-called
spiritual evolution of mankind, into art, into matters of universal
human concern, had not the faintest inkling of what ‘spirit’ must
signify for men of the Fifth Post-Atlantean epoch of culture. He
simply did not know what spirit really is from the standpoint of a man
of this epoch. In speaking of such matters one must keep bluntly to
the truth: until it came to the spirit, there was truth in a man like
Hermann Grimm. He made a parrying gesture because he had no notion of
how to think about the spirit. Had he been one of the phrasemongers
going about masked as prophets to-day endeavouring to better the lot
of mankind, he would have believed that he too could speak about the
spirit; he would have believed that by reiterating Spirit, spirit,
spirit! something is expressed that has been nurtured in one's own
soul.
Among those who of recent years have been talking a great deal about
the spirit, without a notion of its real nature, are the theosophists
— the majority of them at any rate. For it can truly be said that of
all the vapid nonsense that has been uttered of late, the theosophical
brand has been the most regrettable and also in a certain respect the
most harmful in its effects. But a statement like the one I have made
about Hermann Grimm — not thinking of him as a personality but as a
typical representative of the times — raises the question: how comes it
that such a true representative of Middle European life has no inkling
of how to think about the spiritual, about the spirit? It is just this
that makes Hermann Grimm the typical representative of Middle European
civilisation. For when we envisage this brilliant culture of the
townsfolk, which has its start about the year 1200 and lasts right on
into the period of Goetheanism, we shall certainly perceive as its
essential characteristic — but without valuing it less highly on this
account — that it is impregnated in the best sense with soul but
empty of anything that can be called spirit. That is the fact we have
to grasp, with a due sense of the tragedy of it: this brilliant
culture was devoid of spirit. What is meant here, of course, is spirit
as one learns to apprehend it through anthroposophical spiritual
science.
Again and again I return to Hermann Grimm as a representative
personality, for the thinking of thousands and thousands of scholarly
men in Middle Europe was similar to his. Hermann Grimm wrote an
excellent book about
Goethe,
containing the substance of lectures he
gave at the University of Berlin in the seventies of the last century.
Taking it all in all, what Hermann Grimm said about Goethe is really
the best that has been said at this level of scholarship. From the
vantage-point of a rich life of soul, Hermann Grimm derived his gift
not only for portraying individual men but for accurately discerning
and assessing their most characteristic traits. He was brilliant in
hitting upon words for such characterisations. Take a simple example.
In the nature of things, Hermann Grimm was one of those who
misunderstood the character of the wild Nibelung people. He was an
ardent admirer of Frederick the Great and pictured him as a Germanic
hero. Now Macaulay, the English historian and man of letters, wrote
about Frederick the Great, naturally from the English point of view.
In an essay on Macaulay, Hermann Grimm set out to show that in reality
only a German possessed of sound insight is capable of understanding
and presenting a true picture of Frederick the Great. Hermann Grimm
describes Macaulay's picture of Frederick the Great in the very apt
words: Macaulay makes of Frederick the Great a distorted figure of an
English Lord, with snuff in his nose.
To hit upon such a characterisation indicates real ability to shape
ideas and mental images in such a way that they have plasticity,
mobility. Many similar examples could be found of Hermann Grimm's
flair for apt characterisation. And other kindred minds, belonging to
the whole period of Middle European culture of which I spoke
yesterday, were endowed with the same gift. But if, with all the
good-will born of a true appreciation of Hermann Grimm, we study his
monograph on Goethe — what is our experience then? We feel: this is
an extraordinarily good, a really splendid piece of writing — only it
is not Goethe! In reality it gives only a shadow-picture of Goethe, as
if out of a three-dimensional figure one were to make a
two-dimensional shadow-picture, thrown on the screen. Goethe seems to
wander through the chapters like a ghost from the year 1749 to the
year 1832. What is described is a spectral Goethe — not what Goethe
was, what he thought, what he desired.
Goethe himself did not succeed in lifting to the level of spiritual
consciousness all that was alive within his soul. Indeed, the great
‘Goethe problem’ to-day is precisely this: to raise into
consciousness in a truly spiritual way what was spiritually alive in Goethe.
He himself was not capable of this, for culture in his day could give
expression only to a rich life of the soul, not of the spirit.
Therefore Hermann Grimm, too, firmly rooted as he was in the Goethean
tradition, could depict only a shadow, a spectre, when he wanted to
speak of Goethe's spirit. It is thoroughly characteristic that the
best modern exposition of Goethe and Goetheanism should produce
nothing but a spectre of Goethe.
* * *
Why is it that through the whole development of this brilliant phase
of culture there is no real grasp of the spirit, no experience of it
or feeling for it? Men such as Troxler, and
Schelling
too at times,
pointed gropingly to the spirit. But speaking quite objectively, it
must be said that this culture was empty of spirit. And because of
this, men were also ignorant of the needs, the conditions, that are
essential for the life of the spirit. Here too there is something
which may well up as a feeling of tragedy from contemplation of this
stream of culture: men were unable to perceive, to divine, the
conditions necessary for the life of the spirit, above all in the
social sphere; For the reason why the social life of Middle Europe has
developed through the centuries to the condition in which it finds
itself to-day is that it had no real experience of the spirit, nor
felt the need to meet the fundamental requirement of the spiritual
life by emancipating it, making it independent of and separate from
the political sphere. Because men had no understanding of the spirit,
they allowed it to be merged with the political life of the State,
where it could unfold only in shackles. I am speaking here only of
Middle Europe; in other regions of the modern civilised world it was
the same, although the causes were different.
And then, in the inmost soul, a reaction can set in. Then a man can
experience how in his study of nature the spirit remains dumb, silent,
uncommunicative. Then the soul rebels, gathers its forces and strives
to bring the spirit to birth from its own inmost being! This can
happen only in an epoch when scientific thinking impinges on a culture
which has no innate disposition towards spirituality. For if men are
not inwardly dead, if they are inwardly alive, the impulse of the
spirit begins of itself to stir within them. We must recognise that
since the middle of the 15th century the spirit has to be brought to
birth through encountering what is dead if it is to penetrate into
man's life of soul. The only persons who can gain satisfaction from
inwardly experiencing the spiritualised soul-life of the Greeks are
those who, with their classical scholarship, live in that afterglow of
Greek culture which enables the soul-quality of the spirit to pulsate
through a man's own soul. But men who are impelled to live earnestly
with natural science and to discern what is deathly, corpse-like in it
— they will make it possible for the spirit itself to come alive in
their souls.
If a man is to have real and immediate experience of the spirit in
this modern age, he must not only have smelt the fumes of prussic acid
or ammonia in laboratories, or have studied specimens extracted from
corpses in the dissecting room, but out of the whole trend and
direction of natural scientific thinking he must have known the odour
of death in order that through this experience he may be led to the
light of the spirit! This is an impulse which must take effect in our
times; it is also one of the testings which men of the modern age must
undergo. Natural science exists far more for the purpose of educating
man than for communicating truths about nature. Only a naive mind
could believe that any natural law discovered by learned scientists
enshrines an essential, inner truth. Indeed it does not! The purpose
of natural science, devoid of spirit as it is, is the education of
men. This is one of the paradoxes implicit in the historic evolution
of humanity.
And so it was only in the very recent past, in the era after
Goetheanism, that the spirit glimmered forth; for it was then, for the
first time, that the essentially corpse-like quality in the findings of
natural science came to the fore; then and not until then could the
spirit ray forth — for those, of course, who were willing to receive
its light. Until the time of Goethe, men protected themselves against
the sorry effects of a spiritual life shackled in State-imposed
restrictions by cultivating a form of spiritual life fundamentally
alien to them, namely the spiritual life of ancient Greece; this was
outside the purview of the modern State for the very reason that it
had nothing to do with modern times. A makeshift separation of the
spiritual life from the political sphere was provided by the adoption
of an alien form of culture. This Greek culture was a cover for the
spiritual emptiness of Middle European life and of modern Europe in
general.
On the other hand, the need to separate the economic sphere from the
Rights-sphere, from the political life of the State proper, was not
perceived. And why not? When all is said and done, nobody can detach
himself from the economic field. To speak trivially, the stomach sees
to that! In the economic sphere it is impossible for men to live
unconcernedly through such cataclysms as are allowed to occur, all
unnoticed, in the political and spiritual spheres. Economic activity
was going on all the time, and it developed in a perfectly
straightforward way. The transformation of the old impenetrable
forests into meadows and cornfields, with all the ensuing economic
consequences, went steadily ahead. But into economic life, too, there
came an alien intrusion, one that had actually found a footing in the
souls of men in Middle Europe earlier than that of Greece, namely the
Latin-Roman influence. Everything pertaining to the State, to the
Rights-life, to political life, derives from this Latin-Roman
influence. And here again is something that will have to be stressed
by history in the future but has been overlooked by the conventional,
tendentious historiography of the immediate past, with its bias
towards materialism — the strangely incongruous fact that certain
economic ideas and procedures are a direct development from social
relationships described, for example, by Tacitus, as prevailing in the
Germanic world during the first centuries after the founding of
Christianity.
But that is not all. These trends in economic thinking did not go
forward unhampered. The Roman view of rights, Roman political
thinking, seeped into the economic usages and methods originally
prevailing in Europe, infiltrated them through and through and caused
a sharp cleavage between the economic sphere and the political sphere.
Thus the economic sphere and the political sphere, the former coloured
by the old Germanic way of life and the latter by the Latin-Roman
influence, remained separate on the surface but without any organic
distinction consistent with the threefold membering of the body
social: the distinction was merely superficial, a mask. Two
heterogeneous strata were intermingled; it was felt that they did not
belong together, in spite of external unification. Inwardly, however,
people were content, because in their souls they experienced the two
spheres as separate and distinct.
One need only study mediaeval and modern history in the right way and
it will be clear that this mediaeval history is really the story of
perpetual rebellion, self-defence, on the part of the economic
relationships surviving from olden times against the political State,
against the Roman order of life. Imaginative study of these things
shows unmistakably how Roman influences in the form of jurisprudence
penetrate into men via the heads of the administrators. A great deal
of the Roman element had even found its way into the wild Nibelung men
in their period of decline. “Graf” is connected with
“grapho” — writing. One can picture how the peasants, thinking
in terms of husbandry, rise up in rebellion against this Roman juridical
order, with fists clenched in their pockets, or with flails. Naturally, this
is not always so outwardly perceptible. But when one observes history
truly, these factors are present in the whole moral trend and impulse
of those times. And so — I am merely characterising, not criticising,
for everything that happened has also brought blessings and was
necessary for the historic evolution of Middle Europe — all that
developed from the seeds planted in mid-European civilisation was
permeated through and through by the juristic-political influences of
the Roman world and the humanism of Greece, by the Greek way of
conceiving spirit in the guise of soul.
On the other hand, directly economic life acquired its modern,
international character, the old order was doomed. A man might have
had a very good classical education and be an ignoramus in respect of
modern natural science, but then he was inwardly on a retrograde
path. A man of classical education could not keep abreast of his times
unless he penetrated to some extent into what modern natural
scientific education had to offer. And again, if a man were schooled
in natural science, if he acquired some knowledge of modern natural
science and of what had come out of the old Roman juristic system in
the period of which I have spoken, he could not help suffering from an
infantile disease, from ‘culture scarlet fever’, ‘culture
measles’, in a manner of speaking. In the old Imperium Romanum a
juristic culture was fitting and appropriate. Then this same juristic
principle, the res publica (i.e, the conception of it), was
transplanted from ancient Rome into the sphere of Middle European culture,
together with the element of Nibelung barbarism on the other side. One really
gets ‘culture scarlet fever’, ‘culture measles’, if one
does not merely think of jurisprudence in the abstract, but, with sound
natural scientific concepts, delves into the stuff that figures as modern
jurisprudence in literature and in science.
We can see that this state of things had reached a certain climax when
we find a really gifted man such as
Rudolf von Ihering
at an utter loss to know how to deal with the pitiable notions of
jurisprudence current in the modern age. The book written by Ihering on the
aim of justice (Der Zweck im Recht) was a grotesque production, for
here was a man who had made a little headway in natural scientific thinking
endeavouring to apply the concepts he had acquired to jurisprudence —
the result being a monstrosity of human thinking. To study modern
literature on law is a veritable martyrdom for sound thinking; one
feels all the time as though so many worms were crawling through the
brain. This is the actual experience — I am simply describing it
pictorially.
* * *
We must be courageous enough to face these things fairly and squarely,
and then it will be clear that we have arrived at the point of time
when not only certain established usages and institutions, but men's
very habits of thought, must be metamorphosed, re-cast; when men must
begin to think about many things in a different way. Only then will
the social institutions in the external world be able, under the
influence of human thinking and feeling, to take the form that is
called for by these ominous and alarming facts.
A fundamental change in the mental approach to certain matters of the
highest importance is essential. But because between 1200 and the days
of Goetheanism, modern humanity, especially in Middle Europe, absorbed
all unwittingly thoughts that wriggled through the brain like worms,
there crept over thinking the lazy passivity that is characteristic of
the modern age. It comes to expression in the absence of will from the
life of thought. Men allow their thoughts to take possession of them;
they yield to these thoughts; they prefer to have them in the form of
instinct. But in this manner no headway can be made towards the
spirit. The spirit can be reached only by genuinely putting the will
into thinking, so that thinking becomes an act like any other, like
hewing wood. Do modern men feel that thinking tires them? They do not,
because thinking for them is not activity at all. But the fact that
anyone who thinks with thoughts, not with words, will get just the
same fatigue as he gets from hewing wood, and actually in a shorter
time, so that he simply has to stop — that is quite outside their
experience. Nevertheless, this is what will have to be experienced,
for otherwise modern mankind as a community will be incapable of
achieving the transition from the sense-world into the super-sensible
world of which I spoke in the two preceding lectures. Only by entering
thus into the super-sensible world, with understanding for what is seen
and apprehended in the spirit, will human souls find harmony again.
The year 1200 is the time of Walter von der Vogelweide, the time when
the spiritual life of Middle Europe is astir with powerful
imaginations of which conventional history has little to say. Then it
flows on through the centuries, but from the 15th and 16th centuries
onwards takes into itself the germs of decline with the founding of
the Universities of Prague, Ingolstadt, Freiburg, Heidelberg, Restock,
Wurzburg and the rest. The founding of these Universities throughout
Middle Europe occurred almost without exception in a single century.
The kind of life and thinking emanating from the Universities started
the trend towards abstraction — towards what was subsequently to be
idolised and venerated as the pure, natural scientific thinking which
to-day invades the customary ways of thought with such devastating
results.
Fundamentally speaking, this gave a definite stamp to the whole
mentality of the educated middle class. Naturally, many individuals
were not deeply influenced, but all the same the effect was universal.
Of salient importance during this period was the increasing
receptiveness of people to a form of soul-life entirely foreign to
them. Side by side with what was developed through those who were the
bearers of this middle-class culture, which reached its culmination in
Goethe, Herder and
Schiller,
alien elements and impulses were at work.
I am speaking here of something profoundly characteristic. In their
souls, the bearers of this culture were seeking for the spirit without
a notion of what the spirit is. And where did they seek it? In the
realm of Greek culture! They learnt Greek in their intermediate
schools, and what was instilled into them by way of spiritual
substance was Greek in tenor and content. To speak truly of the spirit
as conceived in Middle Europe from the thirteenth right on into the
twentieth century, one would have to say: spirit, as conveyed by the
inculcation of Greek culture. No spiritual life belonging
intrinsically and innately to the people came into being. Greek
culture did not really belong to the epoch beginning in the middle of
the 15th century, which we call the epoch of the evolution of
selfconsciousness. And so the bourgeoisie in Middle Europe were imbued
with an outworn form of Greek culture, and this was the source of all
that they were capable of feeling and experiencing in regard to the
spirit.
But what the Greek experienced of the spirit was merely its expression
in the life of soul (Seelenseite das Geistes). What gave profundity to
the culture of ancient Greece was that the Greek rose to perception of
the highest manifestation of soul-life. That was what he called
‘spirit’. True, the spirit shines down from the heights, pulsing
through the realm of soul; but when the gaze is directed upwards, it
finds, to begin with, only the expression of the spirit in the realm
of soul.
Man's task in the Fifth Post-Atlantean epoch, however, is to lift
himself into the very essence of the spirit — an attainment still
beyond his reach in the days of Greece. This is of far greater
significance than is usually supposed, for it sheds light upon the
whole way in which medieval, neo-medieval culture apprehended the
spirit.
* * *
What, then, was required in order to reach a concept, an inward
experience, of the spirit appropriate for the modern age? It is
precisely by studying a representative figure like Hermann Grimm that
we can discover this. It is something of which a man such as Hermann
Grimm, steeped in classical lore, had not the faintest inkling —
namely, the strivings of natural science and the scientific mode of
thinking. This thinking is devoid of spirit; precisely where it is
great it contains no trace of spirit, not an iota of spirituality. All
the concepts of natural science, all its notions of laws of nature,
are devoid of spirit, are mere shadow-pictures of spirit; while men
are investigating the laws of nature, no trace of the spirit is
present in their consciousness.
Two ways are open here. Either a man can give himself up to natural
science, contenting himself — as often happens to-day — with what
natural science has to offer; then he will certainly equip his mind
with a number of scientific laws and ideas concerning nature — but he
loses the spirit. Along this path it is possible to become a truly
great investigator, but at the cost of losing all spirituality.
That is the one way. The other is to be inwardly aware of the tragic
element arising from the lack of spirituality in natural science,
precisely where science appears in all its greatness. Man immerses his
soul in the scientific lore of nature, in the abstract, unspiritual
laws of chemistry, physics, biology, which, having been discovered at
the dissecting table, indicate by this very fact that from the living
they yield only the dead. The soul delves into what natural science
has to impart concerning the laws of human evolution. When a man
allows all this to stream into him, when he endeavours not to pride
himself on his knowledge, but asks: ‘What does this really give to the
human soul?’ — then he experiences something true; then spirit is
not absent. Herein, too, lies the tragic problem of
Nietzsche,
whose life of soul was torn asunder by the realisation that modern scientific
learning is devoid of spirituality.
As you know, insight into the super-sensible world does not depend upon
clairvoyance; all that is required is to apprehend by the exercise of
healthy human reason what clairvoyance can discover. It is not
essential for the whole of mankind to become clairvoyant; but what is
essential, and moreover within the reach of every human being, is to
develop insight into the spiritual world through the healthy human
intelligence. Only thus can harmony enter into souls of the modern
age: for the loss of this harmony is due to the conditions of
evolution in our time. The development of Europe, with her American
affinities on the one hand and the Asiatic frontier on the other, has
reached a parting of the ways. Spiritual Beings of higher worlds are
bringing to a decisive issue the overwhelming difference between
former ages and modern times as regards the living side-by-side of
diverse populations on the earth.
* * *
How were the peoples of remote antiquity distributed and arranged over
the globe? Up to a certain point of time, not long before the Mystery
of Golgotha, the configuration of peoples on earth was determined from
above downwards, inasmuch as the souls simply descended from the
spiritual world into the physical bodies dwelling in some particular
territory. Owing to physiological, geographical, climatic conditions
in early times, certain kinds of human bodies were to be found in
Greece, and similarly on the peninsula of Italy. The souls came from
above, were predestined entirely from above, and took very deep root
in man's whole constitution, in his outer, bodily physiognomy.
Then came the great migrations of the peoples. Men wandered over the
earth in different streams. Races and peoples began to intermix, thus
enhancing the importance of the element of heredity in earthly life. A
population inhabiting a particular region of the earth moved to
another; for example the Angles and Saxons who were living in certain
districts of the Continent migrated to the British Isles. That is one
such migration. But in respect of physical heredity, the descendants
of the Angles and Saxons are dependent upon what had developed
previously on the Continent; this was a determining factor in their
bodily appearance, their practices, and so forth. Thus there came into
the evolutionary process a factor working in and conditioned by the
horizontal. Whereas the distribution of human beings over the earth
had formerly depended entirely upon the way in which the souls
incarnated as they came down from above, the wanderings and movements
of men over the earth now also began to have an effect.
At the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries, however, a new cosmic
historic impulse came into operation. For a period of time a certain
sympathy existed between the souls descending from the spiritual world
and the bodies on the earth below. Speaking concretely: souls who were
sympathetically attracted by the bodily form and constitution of the
descendants of the Angles and Saxons, now living in the British Isles,
incarnated in those regions. In the 15th century this sympathy began
to wane, and since then the souls have no longer been guided by racial
characteristics, but once again by geographical conditions, the kind
of climate, and so forth, on the earth below, and also by whether a
certain region of the earth is flat or mountainous. Since the 15th
century, souls have been less and less concerned with racial traits;
once again they are guided more by the existing geographical
conditions. Hence a kind of chasm is spreading through the whole of
mankind to-day between the elements of heredity and race and the
soul-element coming from the spiritual world. And if men of our time
were able to lift more of their subconsciousness into consciousness,
very few of them would — to use a trivial expression — feel
comfortable in their skins. The majority would say: I came down to the
earth in order to live on flat ground, among green things or upon
verdant soil, in this or that kind of climate, and whether I have
Roman or Germanic features is of no particular importance to me.
It certainly seems paradoxical when these things, which are of
paramount importance for human life, are concretely described. Men who
preach sound principles, saying that one should abjure materialism and
turn towards the spirit — they too talk just like the pantheists, of
spirit, spirit, spirit. People are not shocked by this to-day; but
when anyone speaks concretely about the spirit they simply cannot take
it. That is how things are. And harmony must again be sought between,
shall I say, geographical predestination and the racial element
that is spread over the earth. The leanings towards internationalism in our
time are due to the fact that souls no longer concern themselves with
the element of race.
A figure of speech I once used is relevant here. I compared what is
happening now to a ‘vertical’ migration of peoples, whereas in
earlier times what took place was a ‘horizontal’ migration. This
comparison is no mere analogy, but is founded upon facts of the spiritual
life.
To all this must be added that, precisely through the spiritual
evolution of modern times, man is becoming more and more spiritual in
the sphere of his subconsciousness, and the materialistic trend in his
upper consciousness is more and more sharply at variance with the
impulses that are astir in his subconsciousness. In order to
understand this, we must consider once more the threefold membering of
the human being.
When the man of the present age, whose attention is directed only to
the material and the physical, thinks of this threefold membering, he
says to himself: I perceive through my senses: they are indeed
distributed over the whole body but are really centralised in the
head; acts of perception, therefore, belong to the life of the nerves
and senses — and there he stops. Further observation will, of course,
enable him to describe how the human being breathes, and how the life
passes over from the breath into the movement of the heart and the
pulsation of the blood. But that is about as far as a he gets to-day.
Metabolism is studied [in] all detail, but not as one of the three members
of threefold man: actually it is taken to be the whole man. One need
not, of course, go to the lengths of the scientific thinker who said:
man is what he eats (Der Mensch ist, was er isst) — but,
broadly speaking, science is pretty strongly convinced that it is so. In
Middle Europe at the present time it looks as if he will soon be what
he does not eat!
This threefold membering of the human being, which will ultimately
find expression in a threefold social order because its factual
reality is becoming more and more evident, manifests in different
forms over the earth. Truly, man is not simply the being he appears
outwardly to be, enclosed within his skin. It was in accordance with a
deep feeling and perception when in my Mystery Play,
“The Portal of Initiation”,
in connection with the characters of Capesius and
Strader, I drew attention to the fact that whatever is done by men on
earth has its echo in cosmic happenings out yonder in the universe.
With every thought we harbour, with every movement of the hand, with
everything we say, whether we are walking or standing, whatever we do
— something happens in the cosmos.
The faculties for perceiving and experiencing these things are lacking
in man to-day. He does not know — nor can it be expected of him and it
is paradoxical to speak as I am speaking now — he does not know how what
is happening here on the earth would appear if seen, for example, from
the Moon. If he could look from the Moon he would see that the life of
the nerves and senses is altogether different from what can be known
of it in physical existence. The nerves-and-senses life, everything
that transpires while you see, hear, smell, taste, is light in the
cosmos, the radiation of light into the cosmos. From your seeing, from
your feeling, from your hearing, the earth shines out into the cosmos.
Different again is the effect produced by what is rhythmic in the
human being: breathing, heart movement, blood pulsation. This activity
manifests in the universe in great and powerful rhythms which can be
heard by the appropriate organs of hearing. And the process of
metabolism in man radiates out into cosmic space as life streaming
from the earth. You cannot perceive, hear, see, smell or feel without
shining out into the cosmos. Whenever your blood circulates, you
resound into universal space, and whenever metabolism takes place
within you, this is seen from out yonder as the life of the whole
earth.
But there are great differences in respect of all this — for example,
between Asia and Europe. Seen from outside, the thinking peculiar to
the Asiatics would appear — even now, when a great proportion of them
have lost all spirituality — as bright, shining light raying out into
the spiritual space of the universe. But the further we go towards the
West, the dimmer and darker does this radiance become. On the other
hand, more and more life surges out into cosmic space the further we
go towards the West. Only from this vista can there arise in the human
soul what may be called perception of the cosmic aspect of the earth
— with the human beings belonging to it.
* * *
Such conceptions will be needed if mankind is to go forward to a
propitious and not an ominous future. The idiocy that is gradually
being bred in human beings who are made to learn from the sketchy maps
of modern geography: Here is the Danube, here the Rhine, here Reuss,
here Aare, here Bern, Basle, Zürich, and so forth — all this
external delineation which merely adds material details to the globe —
this kind of education will be the ruin of humanity. It is necessary as a
foundation and not to be scoffed at; but nevertheless it will lead
gradually to man's downfall. The globe of the future will have to
indicate: here the earth shines because spirituality is contained in
the heads of men: there the earth radiates out more life into cosmic
space because of the characteristics of the human beings inhabiting
this particular territory.
Something I once said here is connected with this. (One must always
illumine one fact by another). I told you that Europeans who settle in
America develop hands resembling those of the Red Indians; they begin
to resemble the Indian type. This is because the souls coming down
into human bodies to-day are directed more by geographical conditions,
as they were in the olden days. In our own time, the souls are
directed, not by racial considerations, not by what develops out of
the blood, but by geographical conditions, as in the past. But it will
be necessary to get at the roots of what is going on in humanity. This
can be done only when men accustom themselves to concepts of greater
flexibility, capable of penetrating matters of this kind. These
concepts, however, can be developed only on the foundation of
spiritual science. And such a foundation is available when the spirit
can be brought to birth in the human soul. For this, man needs a free
spiritual life, emancipated from the political life of the State.
I have now given you one or two indications of what is astir in
humanity, and of the need to strive for a new ordering of social life.
Social demands cannot nowadays be advanced in terms of the trivial
concepts commonly employed. Men must have insight into the nature of
present-day humanity; they must make good what they have neglected in
the study of modern mankind.
Translated by Dorothy Osmond.
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